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第9章

Common Sense-第9章

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that the bravest achievements were always acplished in the non…age of a nation。

with the increase of merce; england hath lost its spirit。  the city of london; notwithstanding its numbers; submits to continued insults with the patience of a coward。  the more men have to lose; the less willing are they to venture。  the rich are in general slaves to fear; and submit to courtly power with the trembling duplicity of a spaniel。

youth is the seed time of good habits; as well in nations as in individuals。

it might be difficult; if not impossible; to form the continent into one government half a century hence。  the vast variety of interests; occasioned by an increase of trade and population; would create confusion。

colony would be against colony。  each being able might scorn each others assistance: and while the proud and foolish gloried in their little distinctions; the wise would lament; that the union had not been formed before。

wherefore; the present time is the true time for establishing it。

the intimacy which is contracted in infancy; and the friendship which is formed in misfortune; are; of all others; the most lasting and unalterable。

our present union is marked with both these characters: we are young and we have been distressed; but our concord hath withstood our troubles; and fixes a memorable are for posterity to glory in。

the present time; likewise; is that peculiar time; which never happens to a nation but once; viz。 the time of forming itself into a government。

most nations have let slip the opportunity; and by that means have been pelled to receive laws from their conquerors; instead of making laws for themselves。  first; they had a king; and then a form of government; whereas; the articles or charter of government; should be formed first; and men delegated to execute them afterward but from the errors of other nations; let us learn wisdom; and lay hold of the present opportunity ……to begin government at the right end。

when william the conqueror subdued england; he gave them law at the point of the sword; and until we consent; that the seat of government; in america; be legally and authoritatively occupied; we shall be in danger of having it filled by some fortunate ruffian; who may treat us in the same manner; and then; where will be our freedom? where our property? as to religion; i hold it to be the indispensable duty of all government; to protect all conscientious professors thereof; and i know of no other business which government hath to do therewith; let a man throw aside that narrowness of soul; that selfishness of principle; which the niggards of all professions are willing to part with; and he will be at delivered of his fears on that head。  suspicion is the panion of mean souls; and the bane of all good society。  for myself; i fully and conscientiously believe; that it is the will of the almighty; that there should be diversity of religious opinions among us: it affords a larger field for our christian kindness。  were we all of one way of thinking; our religious dispositions would want matter for probation; and on this liberal principle; i look on the various denominations among us; to be like children of the same family; differing only; in what is called; their christian names。

in page forty; i threw out a few thoughts on the propriety of a continental charter; (for i only presume to offer hints; not plans) and in this place; i take the liberty of rementioning the subject; by observing; that a charter is to be understood as a bond of solemn obligation; which the whole enters into; to support the right of every separate part; whether of religion; personal freedom; or property。

a firm bargain and a right reckoning make long friends。

in a former page i likewise mentioned the necessity of a large and equal representation; and there is no political matter which more deserves our attention。  a small number of electors; or a small number of representatives; are equally dangerous。

but if the number of the representatives be not only small; but unequal; the danger is increased。  as an instance of this; i mention the following; when the associators petition was before the house of assembly of pennsylvania; twenty…eight members only were present; all the bucks county members; being eight; voted against it; and had seven of the chester members done the same; this whole province had been governed by two counties only; and this danger it is always exposed to。

the unwarrantable stretch likewise; which that house made in their last sitting; to gain an undue authority over the delegates of that province; ought to warn the people at large; how they trust power out of their own hands。  a set of instructions for the delegates were put together; which in point of sense and business would have dishonoured a schoolboy; and after being approved by a few; a very few without doors; were carried into the house; and there passed in behalf of the whole colony; whereas; did the whole colony know; with what ill…will that house hath entered on some necessary public measures; they would not hesitate a moment to think them unworthy of such a trust。

immediate necessity makes many things convenient; which if continued would grow into oppressions。  expedience and right are different things。

when the calamities of america required a consultation; there was no method so ready; or at that time so proper; as to appoint persons from the several houses of assembly for that purpose; and the wisdom with which they have proceeded hath preserved this continent from ruin。

but as it is more than probable that we shall never be without a congress; every well wisher to good order; must own; that the mode for choosing members of that body; deserves consideration。  and i put it as a question to those; who make a study of mankind; whether representation and election is not too great a power for one and the same body of men to possess?  when we are planning for posterity; we ought to remember; that virtue is not hereditary。

it is from our enemies that we often gain excellent maxims; and are frequently surprised into reason by their mistakes; mr。 cornwall (one of the lords of the treasury) treated the petition of the new…york assembly with contempt; because that house; he said; consisted but of twenty…six members; which trifling number; he argued; could not with decency be put for the whole。  we thank him for his involuntary honesty。

'those who would fully understand of what great consequence a large and equal representation is to a state; should read burghs political disquisitions。'   to conclude; however strange it may appear to some; or however unwilling they may be to think so; matters not; but many strong and striking reasons may be given; to shew; that nothing can settle our affairs so expeditiously as an open and determined declaration for independance。 some of which are;  first。 …… it is the custom of nations; when any two are at war; for some other powers; not engaged in the quarrel; to step in as mediators; and bring about the preliminaries of a peace: hut while america calls herself the subject of great britain; no power; however well disposed she may be; can offer her mediation。  wherefore; in our present state we may quarrel on for ever。

secondly。 …… it is unreasonable to suppose; that france or spain will give us any kind of assistance; if we mean only; to make use of that assistance for the purpose of repairing the breach; and strengthening the connection between britain and america; because; those powers would be sufferers by the consequences。

thirdly。 …… while we profess ourselves the subjects of britain; we must; in the eye of foreign nations。  be considered as rebels。  the precedent is somewhat dangerous to their peace; for men to be in arms under the name of subjects; we; on the spot; can solve the paradox: but to unite resistance and subjection; requires an idea much too refined for mon understanding。

fourthly。 …… were a manifesto to be published; and despatched to foreign courts; setting forth the miseries we have endured; and the peaceable methods we have ineffectually used for redress; declaring; at the same time; that not being able; any longer; to live happily or safely under the cruel disposition of the british court; we had been driven to the necessity of breaking off all connections with her; at the same time; assuring all such courts of our peaceable disposition towards them; and of our desire of entering into trade with them: such a memorial would produce more good effects to this continent; than if a ship were freighted with petitions to britain。

under our present denomination of british subjects; we can neither be received nor heard abroad: the custom of all courts is against us; and will be so; until; by an independance; we take rank with other nations。

these proceedings may at first appear strange and difficult; but; like all other steps which we have already passed over; will in a little time bee familiar and agreeable; and; until an independance is declared; the continent will feel itself like a man who continues putting off some unpleasant business from day to day; yet knows it must be done; hates to set about it; wishes it over; and is continually haunted with th

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